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In A Nutshell:The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
Transcript of In A Nutshell:The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
It has its roots in the historic claim to the land which lies between the eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.
For the Palestinians the last 100 years have brought colonization, expulsion and military occupation, followed by a long and difficult search for self-determination and for coexistence with the nation they hold responsible for their suffering and loss.
For the Jewish people of Israel, the return to the land of their forefathers after centuries of persecution around the world has not brought peace or security. They have faced many crises as their neighbors have sought to wipe their country off the map.
BBC News Online highlights some of the key dates of recent Middle East history and looks back at the origins and development of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
It's mainly about Autonomy over land, despite what most people say. A certain proportion of those whom identify themselves with the Palestinian Liberation cause, want autonomy over the West Bank, Gaza, and Jerusalem as a capital. However, these voices as seen here are often dominated by the voices of the extreme minority who would not like to see Israel exist.
•Strong emotions relating to the conflict on both sides
•Palestinian concerns over Israeli settlements and land.
•Status of Jerusalem
•Israeli security concerns over terrorism, safe borders, incitements, violence.
•Palestinian refugee issues
Palestinian views of the peace process
Palestinians have held diverse views and perceptions of the peace process. A key starting point for understanding these views is an awareness of the differing objectives sought by advocates of the Palestinian cause. 'New Historian' Israeli academic Ilan Pappe says the cause of the conflict from a Palestinian point of view dates back to 1948 with the creation of Israel (rather than Israel’s views of 1967 being the crucial point and the return of occupied territories being central to peace negotiations), and that the conflict has been a fight to bring home refugees to a Palestinian state. Therefore this for some was the ultimate aim of the peace process and for groups such as Hamas still is. However Slater says that this ‘maximalist’ view of a destruction of Israel in order to regain Palestinian lands, a view held by Arafat and the PLO initially, has steadily moderated from the late 1960s onwards to a preparedness to negotiate and instead seek a two-state solution. The Oslo Accords demonstrated the recognition of this acceptance by the then Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel’s right to exist in return for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and West Bank. However there are recurrent themes prevalent throughout peace process negotiations including a feeling that Israel offers too little and a mistrust of its actions and motives. Yet, the demand for the "Right of Return" (ROR) by descendants of Palestinian refugees to Israel has remained a cornerstone of the Palestinian view and has been repeatedly enunciated by Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas who is leading the Palestinian peace effort.
Israeli views of the peace process
There are several Israeli views of the peace process. One Israeli view is that the conflict stems from the 1967 Six Day War and consequently the peace process should stem from this and thus have negotiated on the basis of giving up some control of the occupie territories in return for a stop to the conflict and violence. Hardliners believe that no territorial concessions should be given to Palestinians and want to maintain an Israeli sovereign state over the whole area it currently occupies, or if it does negotiate with territory in the peace process only with the Gaza Strip. Israelis view the peace process as hindered and near impossible due to terrorism on the part of Palestinians and do not trust Palestinian leadership to maintain control. In fact, Pedahzur goes as far as to say that suicide terrorism succeeded where peace negotiations failed in encouraging withdrawal by Israelis from cities in the West Bank. The Oslo Accords and the Camp David 2000 summit negotiations revealed the possibility of a two state system being accepted as a possible peace solution by Israeli leadership. However the violence of the second intifada has strengthened the resolve that peace and negotiation is not possible and a two state system is not the answer which is further enforced by the coming to power of Hamas. A common theme throughout the peace process has been a feeling that the Palestinians ask for too much in their peace demands and offer little in return.
When the state of Israeli was establish 1948. When Jewish people migrated to Palestine because of the Bal four Declaration The Palestine at this moment dint take too well to large numbers of new people moving in especially since they were Jewish and people in Palestine were Muslims.
2nd- They are still fighting because they are still trying to figure out who owns Palestine and their might not be a single answer for that, Because the religion is involved it makes it more difficult to settle the question and make them more easily to live together.
If these difficulties can ever be overcome, then almost any reasonable allocation of resources and people could be made to work. But it is likely that the real problems have never been addressed by any plan. The real problems produce excuses and alibis as to why the sides cannot make peace, and the plans to date have all addressed only those excuses. The first problem is in the hearts of men. It is the tragic conviction of too many people on both sides that all of the land belongs only to them and to no-one else, and that the continued presence of the other side on the land is illegitimate and a historic injustice. The second problem is that outside forces, especially in the Arab and Muslim world, have taken care to stir up and maintain this conviction and to arm those who will fight for it. As long as terrorist groups and the regimes that encourage them exist, they will try to sabotage any hope of peace, regardless of the terms. No plan can succeed until these problems are solved. Therefore, it may be moot to discuss, for example, whether a plan like the Geneva Accord would be better or worse than the Ayalon Nusseibeh agreement or a different agreement, in the hypothetical case that either one could really be implemented. By Lizette, Bobby, Nico, Marco Basic requirements are those that are needed for human survival and well being: land, water, security, access to the sea if possible, a place to call your own. National requirements are those that are needed in order to to survive and prosper as a nation among nation states: Freedom to pursue legitimate national goals, self determination and cultural development are among them.
Sovereignty - Each people wants the right to self determination, but some plans deny self determination to one people or the other.
Borders - If there are two states, the land must be apportioned between them and some people will probably need to move. Palestinians demand that all Israeli settlers would leave any separate Palestinian state.
Immigration - Israel has a law of return that allows Jews from all over the world to immigrate to Israel and be granted citizenship automatically. Israel actively seeks Jewish immigration. Palestinian refugees who fled Israeli in 1948 and 1967 want the right to return to their homes in Israel (Right of Return), and Palestinians historically have tried to limit Jewish immigration to Israel and abolish the Law of Return. Many Palestinian refugee families have kept keys to their homes in what is now Israel, even though the homes themselves no longer exist. Return of Palestinian refugees and their descendants, including all those who claim the status of Palestinian refugees, would establish an Arab majority in Israel and would therefore mean the end of Israel as a Jewish state.
Resources - If the states are divided, scarce common resources must be apportioned between them. Peace Plan