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“Violence is man re-creating himself. ”

"Two centuries ago, a former European colony decided to catch up with Europe. It succeeded so well that the United States of America became a monster, in which the taints, the sickness and the inhumanity of Europe have grown to appalling dimensions”

"Zombies, believe me, are more terrifying than colonists.”

"During the struggle for freedom, a marked alienation from these practices is observed. The native's back is to the wall, the knife is at his throat (or, more precisely, the electrode at his genitals): he will have no more call for his fancies. After centuries of unreality, after having wallowed in the most outlandish phantoms, at long last the native, gun in hand, stands face to face with the only forces which contend for his life--the forces of colonialism. And the youth of a colonized country, growing up in an atmosphere of shot and fire, may well make a mock of, and does not hesitate to pour scorn upon the zombies of his ancestors, the horses with two heads, the dead who rise again, and the djinns who rush into your body while you yawn. The native discovers reality and transforms it into the pattern of his customs, into the practice of violence and into his plan for freedom."

Malcolm X

"I don't even call it violence when it's in self defense; I call it intelligence."

"One of the fundamental pillars of the

sovereignty of the modern nation-state is its

monopoly of legitimate violence both within

the national spac and against other nations.

Within the nation, the state not only has an

overwhelming material advantage over all

other social forces in its capacity for violence,

it also is the only social actor whose exercise

of violence is legal and legitimate." - Hardt and Negri

The Zapatista movement in Mexico provides a seminal case of

"social netwar." In January 1994, a guerrilla-like insurgency begun in

Chiapas by the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), and the

Mexican government's response to it, aroused a multitude of civil-

society activists associated with a variety of nongovernmental orga-

nizations (NGOs) to "swarm"—electronically as well as physically—

from the United States, Canada, and elsewhere into Mexico City and

Chiapas. There, they linked up with Mexican NGOs to voice solidar-

ity with the EZLN's demands and to press for nonviolent change.

Thus, what began as a violent insurgency in an isolated region mu-

tated into a nonviolent though no less disruptive "social netwar" that

engaged activists from far and wide and had both national and for-

eign repercussions for Mexico.

The information revolution is leading to the rise of network forms of

organization, whereby small, previously isolated groups can communicate, link up, and conduct coordinated joint actions as never before. This, in turn, is leading to a new mode of conflict— "netwar"—in which the protagonists depend on using network forms of organization, doctrine, strategy, and technology. Many actors across the spectrum of conflict—from terrorists, guerrillas, and criminals who pose security threats to social activists who do not—are developing netwar designs and capabilities.

The insurrection by the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN)

erupted on New Year's Day 1994, when one to two thousand

variously armed insurgents occupied five towns and a city, San Cristobal

de las Casas, in the highlands of Mexico's southernmost state, Chia-

pas. Over the next few days, the EZLN declared war on the Mexican

government, vowed to march on Mexico City, proclaimed a revolu-

tionary agenda, began an international media campaign for sympa-

thy and support, and invited foreign observers and monitors to come

to Chiapas.

It has shaken the foundations of the Mexican political system, by creating

extraordinary pressure for democratic reforms and raising the specter of instability in America's next-door neighbor. More to the point, it is inspiring radical activists around the world to begin

thinking that old models of struggle—ones that call for building "parties" and "fronts" and "focos" to "crush the state" and "seize power"_are not the way to go in the information age. A new concept, akin to the Zapatista movement, is emerging that aims to draw on the power of "networks" and strengthen "global civil society" in order to counterbalance state and market actors.

Changing formations of resistance requires 3 Guiding Principles that help us understand its evolution:

i) There is always a historical reference that refers to the most effective method for combating a specific form of power.

ii) In each era, the model of resistance that proves to be most effective turns out to have the same form as the dominant models of economic and social production.

iii) Each new form of resistance is aimed at addressing the undemocratic qualities of previous forms, creating a chain of ever more democratic movements

In the 2011 “Arab Spring” protests, social media networks played an important role in

the rapid disintegration of at least two regimes, Tunisia and Egypt, while also

contributing to sociopolitical mobilization in Bahrain and Syria

The profile of the most active users—young, urban, and relatively educated—

fully correspond to the core of the first anti-government protesters in January that later

led to a larger and more mass-based campaign. Overall, the input of the social media

networks was critical in performing two overlapping functions: (a) organizing the

protests and (b) disseminating information about them, including publicizing

protesters’ demands internationally

While the Tunisian government blocked certain routes and

singled out specific sites that coordinated protest actions, the response from Egypt’s

government was qualitatively harsher, even unprecedented in Internet history. Having

first blocked Twitter and Facebook, the Egyptian authorities moved directly to ordering

all major telecommunications providers to block Internet access; Telecom Egypt,

Vodafone/Raya, Link Egypt, Etisalat Misr, and Internet Egypt all complied. As a result,

93 percent of Egypt’s Internet addresses and networks were shut down.

Also, while effective as a grassroots tool to bring down an authoritarian

regime, social media-based network activism may not be best suited for political

competition at the stage of “post-revolutionary” state-building, governance reform, and

institutionalized politics in general, compared to more institutionalized and better

organized actors.

Violent Resistance and Revolution

1. The Black Panthers and the Civil Rights Movement in the United States of America

Main Question:

When fighting against injustice and oppression, is it appropriate to use violent means to affect change?

Frantz Fanon

3 Examples of Violent Resistance

1. Black Panthers

2. Zapatistas

3. Arab Spring

2. La Zapatistas

Centralized Military to Guerrilla Warfare to Net-wars

3. The Arab Spring

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