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Just War Theory supports:
1. jus ad bellum
2. jus in bello
3. jus post bellum
- Concerns the justice of resorting to war in the first place
- Addressed to heads of state – since political leaders are the ones who inaugurate wars, setting their armed forces in motion, they are to be held accountable to just ad bellum principles
"A state may launch a war only for the right reason. The just causes most frequently mentioned include: self-defense from external attack; the defense of others from such; the protection of innocents from brutal, aggressive regimes; and punishment for a grievous wrongdoing which remains uncorrected; the resistance of aggression." (Stanford).
-is the use of armed force in violation of someone else's basic rights.
-Aggression attacks the very spine of human civilization itself.
-“Which side is defending—or is seeking to establish—a legitimate political structure...? That's the side which it is permissible to:
a) be part of; or
b) if you're an outsider, to support.” P.2
-There's no logical requirement that aggression can only be committed across borders. Aggression is the use of armed force in violation of someone else's basic rights.
That “someone else” might be:
a) another person (violent crime);
b) another state (international or “external” aggression); or
c) many other people within one's own community (domestic or “internal” aggression).
The commission of aggression, in any of these forms, causes the aggressor to forfeit its rights.
International law affirms that states have many rights, notably those to political sovereignty and territorial integrity. It thus affirms that aggression involves the use of armed forces—armies, navies, air forces, marines, missiles—in violation of these rights. (Stanford)
From the moral point of view - only legitimate govt's have rights - the criteria for a legitimate state is:
International law, for its part, sweepingly forbids pre-emptive strikes unless they are clearly authorized in advance by the UN Security Council
“A state must intend to fight the war only for the sake of its just cause. Having the right reason for launching a war is not enough: the actual motivation behind the resort to war must also be morally appropriate. Ulterior motives, such as a power or land grab, or irrational motives, such as revenge or ethnic hatred, are ruled out.” P.3
“A state may go to war only if the decision has been made by the appropriate authorities, according to the proper process, and made public, notably to its own citizens and to the enemy state(s). The “appropriate authority” is usually specified in that country's constitution. States failing the requirements of minimal justice lack the legitimacy to go to war.” P.3
“A state may resort to war only if it has exhausted all plausible, peaceful alternatives to resolving the conflict in question, in particular diplomatic negotiation.” P.3
“state may not resort to war if it can foresee that doing so will have no measurable impact on the situation. The aim here is to block mass violence which is going to be futile. International law does not include this requirement, as it is seen as biased against small, weaker states.” P.3
“A state must, prior to initiating a war, weigh the universal goods expected to result from it, such as securing the just cause, against the universal evils expected to result, notably casualties. Only if the benefits are proportional to, or “worth”, the costs may the war action proceed. (The universal must be stressed, since often in war states only tally their own expected benefits and costs, radically discounting those accruing to the enemy and to any innocent third parties.” P.3
-concerns the justice of conduct within war, after it has begun
- Responsibility falls primarily on the shoulders of those military commanders, officers and soldiers who formulate and execute the war policy of a particular state
“concerns the rules a state should observe regarding the enemy and its armed forces.” P. 4
“Chemical and biological weapons, in particular, are forbidden by many treaties. Nuclear weapons aren't so clearly prohibited but it seems fair to say a huge taboo attaches to such weapons and any use of them would be greeted with incredible hostility by the international community.”’ P.4
“Soldiers are only entitled to use their (non-prohibited) weapons to target those who are, in Walzer's words, “engaged in harm.” Thus, when they take aim, soldiers must discriminate between the civilian population, which is morally immune from direct and intentional attack, and those legitimate military, political and industrial targets involved in rights-violating harm.” P.4
“Soldiers may only use force proportional to the end they seek. They must restrain their force to that amount appropriate to achieving their aim or target.” P.4
“If enemy soldiers surrender and become captives, they cease being lethal threats to basic rights. They are no longer “engaged in harm.” Thus, it is wrong to target them with death, starvation, rape, torture, medical experimentation, and so on. They are to be provided, as The Geneva Conventions spell out, with benevolent—not malevolent—quarantine away from battle zones and until the war ends, when they should be exchanged for one's own POWs.” P.4
“Soldiers may not use weapons or methods which are “evil in themselves.” These include: mass rape campaigns; genocide or ethnic cleansing; using poison or treachery (like disguising soldiers to look like the Red Cross); forcing captured soldiers to fight against their own side; and using weapons whose effects cannot be controlled, like biological agents.” P.5
“A reprisal is when country A violates jus in bello in war with country B. Country B then retaliates with its own violation of jus in bello, seeking to chasten A into obeying the rules. There are strong moral and evidentiary reasons to believe that reprisals don't work, and they instead serve to escalate death and make the destruction of war increasingly indiscriminate. Winning well is the best revenge.” P.5
“concerns the rules a state must follow in connection with its own people [i.e. protection of citizens’ rights] as it fights war against an external enemy.” P. 4
"concerns the justice of peace agreements and the termination phase of war. “It seeks to regulate the ending of wars, and to ease the transition from war back to peace.” P.5
“The peace settlement should be measured and reasonable, as well as publicly proclaimed. To make a settlement serve as an instrument of revenge is to make a volatile bed one may be forced to sleep in later. In general, this rules out insistence on unconditional surrender” p.5
“The settlement should secure those basic rights whose violation triggered the justified war. The relevant rights include human rights to life and liberty and community entitlements to territory and sovereignty. This is the main substantive goal of any decent settlement, ensuring that the war will actually have an improving affect. Respect for rights, after all, is a foundation of civilization, whether national or international. Vindicating rights, not vindictive revenge, is the order of the day.” P.5
“Distinction needs to be made between the leaders, the soldiers, and the civilians in the defeated country one is negotiating with. Civilians are entitled to reasonable immunity from punitive post-war measures. These rules out sweeping socio-economic sanctions as part of post-war punishment.” P.5
“When the defeated country has been a blatant, rights-violating aggressor, proportionate punishment must be meted out. The leaders of the regime, in particular, should face fair and public international trials for war crimes.” P.5
“Soldiers also commit war crimes. Justice after war requires that such soldiers, from all sides to the conflict, likewise be held accountable to investigation and possible trial.” P.5
“Financial restitution may be mandated, subject to both proportionality and discrimination. A post-war poll tax on civilians is generally impermissible, and there needs to be enough resources left so that the defeated country can begin its own reconstruction. To beggar thy neighbor is to pick future fights.” P.5
“The post-war environment provides a promising opportunity to reform decrepit institutions in an aggressor regime. Such reforms are permissible but they must be proportional to the degree of depravity in the regime. They may involve: demilitarization and disarmament; police and judicial re-training; human rights education; and even deep structural transformation towards a minimally just society governed by a legitimate regime. This is, obviously, the most controversial aspect of jus post bellum.” P.6
Who?
Northern, primarily Muslim Sudan vs. Southern, primarily Christian Sudan
When?
1955-1972
Why?
Southern Sudan wanted to be a separate, autonomous region from Northern Sudan and were frustrated with their lack of representation in the Sudanese government.
How?
The war began with a mutiny in Torit based on what the South perceived to be isolating treatment by the North.
1955: mutiny in Torit
-remnants of British colonial rule fail to guarantee equal government representation for both Northern, Muslim Sudanese and Southern, Christian Sudanese
-Arab-led government in Khartoum promised to prioritize equal representation, but never followed through on their promise
1963: formation of the Anyanya
-South Sudanese separatists form a guerilla army, the most effective of all insurgent groups in the conflict
-Anyanya receive weapons from Israel and Uganda and continue to put pressure on the Sudanese government
1971: formation of the South Sudan Liberation Movement
-Joseph Lagu forms the SSLM, encompassing the Anyanya
-this marks the first time that the separatist movement has a unified structure
1972: Addis Ababa Agreement
-ended the First Sudanese Civil War
-negotiations involved the Sudanese government and the South Sudan Liberation Movement
-established South Sudan as an autonomous region
Based on our definition of what constitutes a just war, can we justify the 1st Sudanese War?
The First Sudanese War was justified based on:
Amanda DiCristoforo
Grace Gaskill
Megan Goodman
Kristina Kutsukos
Qiao Zou