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By: Jessica Brown
Lebanon is unique due to the environments that contribute to the successes achieved by LGBT organizations within this country ("Helem"). Prolonged political and social stability accompanied by increased positive media coverage of LGBT themes are some of the variables that explain this phenomenon, not to mention that same-sex acts are legal. While Jordan has no laws in the books against same sex acts andNevertheless, people who run LGBT groups still tend to do so “underground.” This is the also case for the rest of the countries in this study. While Jordan legalized same sex acts, government repression, police harassment and violence obstruct the formation of solid LGBT organizations, much less a movement. The same is true Egypt where local law enforcement sporadically arrest and detain individuals perceived as gay. In post-Arab Spring Tunsia, a political organization, “Shams” has begun setting a foundation for a future political movement. Similar, more robust political groups have been present in Morocco and Algeria for years. Overall, LGBT individuals have no concrete protection under state law. Each country's penal codes (targeting morality, public depency, and sexual behavior) make significant progress difficult. Cultural mores and public opinion regarding homosexuality also impede progress in every country in the region. Iraq is also unique due to the internal turnmoil it has faced with the rise of ISIS; nevertheless, it is among one of the only countries in the region to have an LGBT organization: IraQueer.
“An Examination of Factors that Catalyze LGBTQ Movements in Middle Eastern and North African Authoritarian Regimes,” Michael Anthony Figueredo (Portland State) 2015
"New political opportunities, (in this case expanded internet access and internet freedom) explain why gay rights movements are able to emerge in authoritarian regimes. This argument hinges on my findings from Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia. Variation in the strength and existence of LGBTQ movements in these three cases can be attributed to varying degrees of access to the internet and internet freedom in each state."
Gay rights movements are more likely to emerge in politically repressive, more conservative states when new political opportunities—namely access to the internet for purposes of political organization—become available. The strength and overall existence of these movements, however, is not consistent in every state. Degree of internet penetration and internet freedom does matter above all else.
*Iraq particularly proved this point: massive internet growth with little retrictions post 2003-- room for IraQueer to form. However, now LGBT people face hightened risks with internal conflict/ rise of ISIS, leading to stagnation. In the case of Iraq societal discrimination may have actually increased upon legalization of homosexuality. Instances of violence against the LGBTQ community in Iraq have surged since it became legalized in 2003 (Alizadeh 2014). This includes violence perpetuated by the Islamic State (also commonly referred to as ‘ISIS’ or ‘ISIL’), a terrorist organization that has reportedly thrown gay men off of buildings in Mosul (Damon and Bilginsoy 2015).
Data collected from primary and secondary sources:
Due to citizens’ increased access to the internet, advocates for gay rights and other “postmaterialist” causes are able to forge movements that could potentially gain ascendancy in the coming decades now that they have the ability to discreetly mobilize and collude with like-minded citizens to anonymously petition their governments for a redress of grievances. However, even with the presence of new political opportunities, this type of activism in the MENA region runs contrary to our current theoretical understandings of social movements and why they emerge in the first place.
In the West, LGBTQ activists’ short term goals may be full marriage equality and federal anti-discrimination legislation to protect their community from employment discrimination and/or societal prejudice. Their long-term goals will be broader and encapsulate full legal and societal equality. Conversely, the goals of gay rights activists in the MENA region may ultimately coincide with Western LGBTQ activists, but they fundamentally differ in one important respect: Western activists possess goals that cannot be feasibly achieved by activists in the MENA. A short-term goal for LGBTQ activists in many MENA countries is the amelioration of governmental persecution. In contrast, a common long-term goal is full legal recognition of one’s right to identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender and practice homosexuality or express one’s gender identity freely.
Given that the mere act of homosexuality is legally prohibited in most MENA states, decriminalization is a common goal for most gay rights activists in the region MENA activists to adjust their expectations to match short and long-term goals that are actually feasible. One can expect LGBTQ movements in the MENA to have very large win-sets because they will be willing to except any concession from the government in order to improve their social situation even if it is unsatisfactory. MENA governments will forego negotiations altogether as highly disliked and disadvantaged groups do not yet pose a threat to the legitimacy of many authoritarian governments.
Western movements been around much longer. Western activists have prodigious movements that have persisted for decades, and as a result, they have been able to gain considerable ground in many countries and are now in a position to ask for full recognition of their rights. This is not the case for many movements for postmaterialist causes in the MENA, especially when it comes to the issue of gay rights.
Members of the LGBTQ community in the Middle East and North Africa are quite possibly more vulnerable and susceptible to prejudice than anywhere else in the world. They are subjected to two forms of discrimination: state-sponsored legal persecution and societal marginalization. Out of twenty-two MENA states and territories homosexuality is only legal in five; male homosexuality is legally prohibited in sixteen of them.
LGBTQ activists in MENA have two options: (a) participate in public activism abroad, or (b) engage in domestic activism almost exclusively online.
Expanding definition of social movement to accommodate for changing times and platforms: In the MENA region, gay rights activism occurs almost exclusively through the internet, thus making it seemingly amorphous. However, several types of tactics are easily identifiable and have proven to be quite effective to boot. There is a diverse array of methods employed by online activists, ranging from political declarations via social media, signing of online petitions, coordinated “hashtag” campaigns, and even DDoS attacks on government websites. Though the chief method in which LGBTQ activism occurs in the MENA (via online) is admittedly unorthodox, the dawn of the technological era requires us to update our preconceived notions of what constitutes “activism” or a “social movement” because LGBTQ activism in most MENA states—for the time being—is inextricably linked to the internet.
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If these movements are becoming more common, why are they ignored by social scientists?
Gay rights activism in authoritarian regimes/ flawed democracies likely does not get attention for three reasons: (i) their movements are comparatively small in contrast with other regional political groups, thereby making them difficult to measure, (ii) information on them is sparse, and (iii) there is a common misconception that either (a) these movements do not exist, or (b) that Western conceptions of homosexuality are foreign to the region.
Comprehensive list of references in packet