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What catalyzes LGBTQ movements in the Middle East and North Africa?

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By: Jessica Brown

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A qualitative study

#1

Research Question, Variables & Countries

The Chosen 7:

  • Assessing the status of LGBT movements and those variables allowing for their growth in politically repressive and socially conservative countries in the Middle East and North Africa.
  • Though informal social and political networks aim to make life easier for LGBT people across the MENA region, few countries allow for the development of visible organizations and movements with defined hierarchies and political objectives. The countries chosen for my study—Lebanon, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, Algeria, and Iraq—range on a spectrum of tolerance and outright dangerous for LGBT individuals.
  • Sample is based on known and assumed conditions, including geographic proximity; the presence (or lack) of LGBT groups in the country; degree of state and non-state harassment, violence and discrimination; positive or negative social attitudes towards the community.

Background

Lebanon is unique due to the environments that contribute to the successes achieved by LGBT organizations within this country ("Helem"). Prolonged political and social stability accompanied by increased positive media coverage of LGBT themes are some of the variables that explain this phenomenon, not to mention that same-sex acts are legal. While Jordan has no laws in the books against same sex acts andNevertheless, people who run LGBT groups still tend to do so “underground.” This is the also case for the rest of the countries in this study. While Jordan legalized same sex acts, government repression, police harassment and violence obstruct the formation of solid LGBT organizations, much less a movement. The same is true Egypt where local law enforcement sporadically arrest and detain individuals perceived as gay. In post-Arab Spring Tunsia, a political organization, “Shams” has begun setting a foundation for a future political movement. Similar, more robust political groups have been present in Morocco and Algeria for years. Overall, LGBT individuals have no concrete protection under state law. Each country's penal codes (targeting morality, public depency, and sexual behavior) make significant progress difficult. Cultural mores and public opinion regarding homosexuality also impede progress in every country in the region. Iraq is also unique due to the internal turnmoil it has faced with the rise of ISIS; nevertheless, it is among one of the only countries in the region to have an LGBT organization: IraQueer.

Previous Research

  • All 7 of the selected cases share cultural, religious, ethnic, racial, and linguistic similarities
  • So what factor explains variation in the size, strength, time of arrival, and, most importantly, the overall existence of LGBTQ movements between these relatively similar states?

“An Examination of Factors that Catalyze LGBTQ Movements in Middle Eastern and North African Authoritarian Regimes,” Michael Anthony Figueredo (Portland State) 2015

"New political opportunities, (in this case expanded internet access and internet freedom) explain why gay rights movements are able to emerge in authoritarian regimes. This argument hinges on my findings from Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia. Variation in the strength and existence of LGBTQ movements in these three cases can be attributed to varying degrees of access to the internet and internet freedom in each state."

Four Major Themes

  • Influence of religion in public and private spheres
  • Family values and relations
  • Technology
  • Goverment and police repression
  • Laws in the books (penal codes) vs. Laws in Practice

Findings

Gay rights movements are more likely to emerge in politically repressive, more conservative states when new political opportunities—namely access to the internet for purposes of political organization—become available. The strength and overall existence of these movements, however, is not consistent in every state. Degree of internet penetration and internet freedom does matter above all else.

  • Verified past research by analyzing changes in the same countries chosen in Figueredo's sample while adding onto the discussion by incorporating a greater set of countries: looking at same country I noticed the increase in size of existing LGBT organizations. Creation of new groups correlated with increased penetration and levels of internet freedoms. Where there was regressions in internet freedoms (crackdowns on internet activity) as was the case in Jordan and Egypt, LGBT movements suffered or remained stagnant.

*Iraq particularly proved this point: massive internet growth with little retrictions post 2003-- room for IraQueer to form. However, now LGBT people face hightened risks with internal conflict/ rise of ISIS, leading to stagnation. In the case of Iraq societal discrimination may have actually increased upon legalization of homosexuality. Instances of violence against the LGBTQ community in Iraq have surged since it became legalized in 2003 (Alizadeh 2014). This includes violence perpetuated by the Islamic State (also commonly referred to as ‘ISIS’ or ‘ISIL’), a terrorist organization that has reportedly thrown gay men off of buildings in Mosul (Damon and Bilginsoy 2015).

#2

Approach and Methods

Data collected from primary and secondary sources:

  • Legal documents: country penal codes
  • Online testimonials
  • Reports, studies, articles
  • Michael Anthony Figueredo's 2015 Master Thesis (Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco LGBT movements)

#3

Limitations to data collection

  • Lack of research and reporting on the situation on the ground (definite # of arrests, prosecution, harassment cases)
  • Lack of translation (activist sites)
  • Inability to conduct interviews (call or visit)
  • The need for anoniminity of key actors/ influencers of LGBT groups

Customize: A Non-Western Lense

Revelant Theories

Predicting a movement

Regional Trends &

Rise of Online Activism: Modern Social Movements

Regional Trends

  • Happiness Index: Despite the dismal political context, citizens in MENA countries appear remarkably happy. The World Values Survey (2010-2014, V10) illustrates that an average of 23.9% of respondents in the region claim to be “very happy” and an average of 52.9%—a majority —assert they are “rather happy” (compared to 36.1% and 53.5% in the United States, respectively). The level of happiness of a populace is a good indication that citizens do not feel their political situation is hopeless.
  • Increased political activity: Citizens in the MENA region are becoming increasingly politically active even under heavily repressive regimes that attempt to violently stifle demonstrations.
  • Technology and social media in past mass protests: In 2011 citizens across the MENA mobilized in protests. Events raise questions about what catalyzed unprecedented social mobilization. Many political scientists contend that technological growth, specifically higher levels of internet penetration, the proliferation of smartphones, and increased access to satellite television channels such as Al Jazeera has fostered conditions that allowed the Arab spring to occur (Lust 2013; Lynch 2012; Hussain & Howard 2013). Lust argues that the internet was a key tool for political mobilization.
  • Surge in acts of civil disobedience among all types of postmaterialist activists in even the most repressive totalitarian and authoritarian regimes.
  • Rise of Postmaterialist values: The World Values Survey (2010-2014) found that a majority of citizens in many MENA states hold mixed 3 material/postmaterialist values, and an average of 5.3% of citizens mostly embrace postmaterialist values.

Character of LGBT movements in MENA differ from their Western counterparts

Due to citizens’ increased access to the internet, advocates for gay rights and other “postmaterialist” causes are able to forge movements that could potentially gain ascendancy in the coming decades now that they have the ability to discreetly mobilize and collude with like-minded citizens to anonymously petition their governments for a redress of grievances. However, even with the presence of new political opportunities, this type of activism in the MENA region runs contrary to our current theoretical understandings of social movements and why they emerge in the first place.

  • Gradual Political Liberalization
  • Modernization Hypothesis
  • Social Blowback Hypothesis
  • Resource Mobilization Hypothesis
  • Internet Penetration and Freedom Hypothesis

Long Term and Short Term Goals

In the West, LGBTQ activists’ short term goals may be full marriage equality and federal anti-discrimination legislation to protect their community from employment discrimination and/or societal prejudice. Their long-term goals will be broader and encapsulate full legal and societal equality. Conversely, the goals of gay rights activists in the MENA region may ultimately coincide with Western LGBTQ activists, but they fundamentally differ in one important respect: Western activists possess goals that cannot be feasibly achieved by activists in the MENA. A short-term goal for LGBTQ activists in many MENA countries is the amelioration of governmental persecution. In contrast, a common long-term goal is full legal recognition of one’s right to identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender and practice homosexuality or express one’s gender identity freely.

Given that the mere act of homosexuality is legally prohibited in most MENA states, decriminalization is a common goal for most gay rights activists in the region MENA activists to adjust their expectations to match short and long-term goals that are actually feasible. One can expect LGBTQ movements in the MENA to have very large win-sets because they will be willing to except any concession from the government in order to improve their social situation even if it is unsatisfactory. MENA governments will forego negotiations altogether as highly disliked and disadvantaged groups do not yet pose a threat to the legitimacy of many authoritarian governments.

Presence, Infleunce and Longevity

Western movements been around much longer. Western activists have prodigious movements that have persisted for decades, and as a result, they have been able to gain considerable ground in many countries and are now in a position to ask for full recognition of their rights. This is not the case for many movements for postmaterialist causes in the MENA, especially when it comes to the issue of gay rights.

Necessity: is there a need for the movement?

Members of the LGBTQ community in the Middle East and North Africa are quite possibly more vulnerable and susceptible to prejudice than anywhere else in the world. They are subjected to two forms of discrimination: state-sponsored legal persecution and societal marginalization. Out of twenty-two MENA states and territories homosexuality is only legal in five; male homosexuality is legally prohibited in sixteen of them.

Options?

LGBTQ activists in MENA have two options: (a) participate in public activism abroad, or (b) engage in domestic activism almost exclusively online.

Expanding definition of social movement to accommodate for changing times and platforms: In the MENA region, gay rights activism occurs almost exclusively through the internet, thus making it seemingly amorphous. However, several types of tactics are easily identifiable and have proven to be quite effective to boot. There is a diverse array of methods employed by online activists, ranging from political declarations via social media, signing of online petitions, coordinated “hashtag” campaigns, and even DDoS attacks on government websites. Though the chief method in which LGBTQ activism occurs in the MENA (via online) is admittedly unorthodox, the dawn of the technological era requires us to update our preconceived notions of what constitutes “activism” or a “social movement” because LGBTQ activism in most MENA states—for the time being—is inextricably linked to the internet.

Componets of a Movement

Does it Exist?

Nature of Action

Nature of Action

  • Physical Act: being OUT
  • on the streets, hosting parades, festivals
  • Electronic engagement
  • anonyminity among community, identity revealed in online forums/ groups/ apps

Organziation Size and Stability

Organziation Size and Stability

  • Morocco: More political NGO, which advocates for equal treatment for gay people under the law, is based in Spain (Kif Kif), though run by a Moroccan since 2005. Initiated Morocco’s first gay magazine Mithly (meaning ‘the same as me’). Aswat (meaning Voices) is a well-known collective of individuals who since 2012 have worked together on an ad hoc basis for the rights of LGBTIQ persons in Morocco. One of the goals of Aswat’s activities is to promote a reform of the law which penalises homosexuality and to abolish Act no 489. Aswat operates anonymously according, and has deliberately chosen not to be an officially registered NGO and not to have a formal office out of fear of being persecuted by the authorities. Not being an official NGO, Aswat cannot ask for permission to organise demonstrations or campaigns in the public sphere.
  • Algeria: Alouen (2011) is an activist organization that prioritizes social equality and advocates for decriminalization of homosexuality and the repeal of penal codes 333 and 338. Abu Nawas (2007) is more outreach-oriented and provides various resources to members of the gay community such as education on safe-sex practices. Both organizations specialize in political mobilization; Alouen coordinates events while Abu Nawas encourages LGBTQ citizens to vote two prominent online-exclusive LGBTQ magazines.
  • Egypt: Bedayaa is a group of Egyptian & Sudanese Queers and home to all LGBTI in the nile valley Area Egypt & Sudan, founded in 2010 the first LGBTI rights organization in the Nile Valley focusing on reporting human rights abuses of LGBTI people. No Hate Egypt (NHE), founded Jan 11, 2016, is an initiative that aims to stop hatred and violence against any minority group. Solidarity with Egypt LGBT is a campaign to reach out to LGBT movements and individuals worldwide about the LGBT issues in Egypt.

Continued

  • Jordan: The online magazine My.Kali, named after its founder Khalid Abdel-Hadi, went live eight years ago in English. It began life as a series of diaries documenting Abdel-Hadi's experiences and grew into a grassroots platform for the LGBT community before becoming an online magazine in 2008. Published a joint Arabic-English issue a in May/June 2016. During the summer of 2017, the Jordanian Audiovisual Commission, evidently acting under pressure from MP Tahboub, ordered My.Kali blocked on the grounds that the magazine had not obtained a license for publication. This act of censorship is a demonstration of how the conditions for internet freedom in Jordan have declined over the past five years.
  • Lebanon: Helem (first registered LGBT ngo in Arab World, 2004), leads a peaceful struggle for the liberation from all sorts of legal, social and cultural discrimination. Helem’s office is deliberately hard to find. The group has claimed many victories — not least of which has been the battle over language. Arab media often used “degenerates” and other pejorative terms to refer to LGBT people. But after nationwide campaigning, Helem and its partners convinced journalists in Lebanon to use a neutral word, equivalent to the English “homosexual.” They even got the Lebanese Syndicate of Psychiatry to declare that homosexuality is not a mental-health disorder — a claim some TV shows repeated. Support+: HIV and Proud Lebanon was registered as a non-profit civil in May 2014.
  • Tunisia: Association Shams registered May 18, 2015; five other Tunisian LGBTIQ groups (Mawjoudine, Damj, Chouf, Kelmty), working with the support of 14 national and international NGOs to meticulously analyze the unconstitutionality of Article 230 under Tunisia 2014 constitution; An online radio station catering for the LGBT community, believed to be the first of its kind in the Arab world (2017); Early in 2018 Mawjoudin film festival kicked off in Tunisia to show films exploring themes of 'sexuality, identity and gender affiliation'. Tunisian Association for the Defence of Individual Liberties (ADLI). Gay rights' groups gained an unprecedented space at the heart of Tunisia's civil society, taking the discussion in public and in the media.
  • Iraq: IraQueer is a registered human rights organization focusing on the LGBT+ community in Iraq/Kurdistan region, founded on March 2015 making it the first and only LGBT+ focusing on the LGBT+ community in Iraq/Kurdistan region.

Measuring a Movement: Factors for Success

Q4

Q2

Q3

Q1

Religion in Practice vs. Religion as Law

Religion in Practice vs. Religion as Law

  • Influence of religon: majority Sunni Muslim population
  • Setting common expectations
  • Muslim-majority countries are highly conservative. The idea of homosexuality is haram; that is, it runs contrary to the teachings of Islam. While not all Muslims will interpret the Qur’an or Hadith to justify homophobia, it is highly unlikely that religious conservatives will be responsive to gay rights messages. LGBTQ communities cannot initiate mass protests, nor can they peacefully demonstrate for three reasons; (i) they comprise very small portions of the populations of each state, and (ii) doing so will result in immediate retaliation, as Arab society is highly conservative and religious, and (iii) public admittance of one’s homosexuality or non-cisgender identity equates to a confession of guilt due to the illegality of these identities
  • Sharia law and extreme Islamic jurisprudence: Morocco and Iraq
  • Iraq: Infleunce of ISIS and Islamist groups
  • Visuals on religious practice across MENA

"Dismantalism the Family"

Role of the Family

  • Effects of tribalism on individuality
  • Community risk: homosexuality seen as a real danger, jeopardizing the social order and Muslim culture
  • Individual risks of coming out:
  • physcial safety, losing family ties and economic security
  • Lebanon developing as an "exception," with a far more open-minded population and higher level of tolerance towards sexual minorities

Technology

Technology

  • Online activism and importance of online movements within the MENA context
  • Differences among countries:
  • Internet penetration/ physical access, use of social media, internet freedoms (active resrtictions)
  • Charts

How free is your regime?: Social, Political, and Economic Protections a...

How free is your regime?

  • Freedom House Data (2017)
  • Even though there are regime-type differences, democratic institutions are underdeveloped throughout region, hence why we cannot assess a social movement through a Western model in the MENA
  • Tunsia's turn around and future growth = promising for LGBT activism
  • Overall, regime type is not one of the main predictors for the rise of social movements (differences among Morocco and Tunisia where Morocco's LGBT group is more robust), but rather, the restrictions imposed by the goverment on one's ability to mobilize (online).

Goverment: Laws on Books Regarding homosexuality

Goverment: Laws on Books Regarding homosexuality

  • Present chart of laws in the books
  • Highlight which kinds of laws are more easily enforced in next slide (EU reports indicating laws against nature are used far more often than laws with explicit anti-homosexual language)

Law in Practice

Law in Practice

  • Arrest rates, prosecution, harassment, discrimination
  • Ranges across the board: sporadic enforcement
  • Differences in type of social control: level of police repression
  • Egypt being a case where arrests occur far more often than its neighbors
  • Laws against nature/ modesty clause used more often than "anti-gay" codes
  • Indications that sharia law has no significant influence on the type and magnitude of repression faced by gay and lesbians in MENA
  • Morocco vs. Egypt (arrests); Iraq and Egypt examples of "backlash" enforcement
  • Penal codes as reflecting existing norms, rather than setting the standard

Collaborating with other NGO's?

NGO Barriers?

  • By possessing the status of NGO (non-governmental organisation), civil society mission-driven advocacy or service organisations in the nonprofit sector are enabled to formally represent at national and international forums alongside the State. But increasingly that right, or the ability to exercise it, for SOGI-based groups (sexual orientation and gender identity) and organisations (CSO - civil society organisations/CBO –community-based organisations) is being threatened by the introduction of burdensome or prohibitive provisions in law.
  • Existing NGO barriers: Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, Jordan, Tunisia
  • Only groups that have faced particularly difficulty circumventing current ngo laws are those located in Egypt and Jordan (more intense application of law)
  • Various reasons (exposure, governance, interference, cost, etc) groups choose not to pursue NGO status, and opt for other creative partnerships to be able to operate at the policy level.

What does the movement look like?

What does the movement look like?

  • Individual country assessement
  • 4 tier analysis

The World is Watching

Where will the next movement rise?

Thinking points

If these movements are becoming more common, why are they ignored by social scientists?

Gay rights activism in authoritarian regimes/ flawed democracies likely does not get attention for three reasons: (i) their movements are comparatively small in contrast with other regional political groups, thereby making them difficult to measure, (ii) information on them is sparse, and (iii) there is a common misconception that either (a) these movements do not exist, or (b) that Western conceptions of homosexuality are foreign to the region.

References

Handout

Comprehensive list of references in packet

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Question Time?

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