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Primary Sources Attempt 1

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Tracy Campbell

on 10 April 2017

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Transcript of Primary Sources Attempt 1

The Townshend Acts, from a letter by John Hancock, 1768
Excerpt from Frederick Douglass' Independence Day Speech
Letter from Thomas Jefferson to James Madison - January 30th, 1787
What, to the American slave, is your Fourth of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass-fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy-a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States at this very hour.

Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms- of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival.
Dear Sir,
Paris, January 30th, 1787
My last to you was of the 16th of December; since which, I have received yours of November 25 and December 4, which afforded me, as your letters always do, a treat on matters public, individual, and economical. I am impatient to learn your sentiments on the late troubles in the Eastern states. So far as I have yet seen, they do not appear to threaten serious consequences. Those states have suffered by the stoppage of the channels of their commerce, which have not yet found other issues. This must render money scarce and make the people uneasy. This uneasiness has produced acts absolutely unjustifiable; but I hope they will provoke no severities from their governments...
I hold it that a little rebellion now and then is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical. Unsuccessful rebellions, indeed, generally establish the encroachments on the rights of the people which have produced them. An observation of this truth should render honest republican governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions as not to discourage them too much. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government.
If these transactions give me no uneasiness, I feel very differently at another piece of intelligence, to wit, the possibility that the navigation of the Mississippi may be abandoned to Spain...the act which abandons the navigation of the Mississippi is an act of separation between the Eastern and Western country.
...I should predict that the inhabitants of the United States would force their rulers to take the affirmative of that question. I wish I may be mistaken in all these opinions.
Yours affectionately,
Th. Jefferson
French-Indian War
You are already too well acquainted with the melancholy and very alarming Circumstances to which this Province, as well as America in general, is now reduced. Taxes equally detrimental to the commercial interests of the Parent country and the colonies are imposed upon the People, without their consent; Taxes designed for the Support of the Civil Government in the Colonies, in a Manner clearly unconstitutional, and contrary to that, in which 'till of late, Government has been supported, by the free Gift of the People in the American Assemblies or Parliaments; as also for
the Maintenance of a large Standing Army; not for the Defence of the newly acquired Territories, but for the old Colonies, and in a Time of Peace...
This is a portion of a letter written by William Prescott, one of the commanding officers of the American militia at the Battle of Bunker Hill.

The enemy advanced and fired very hotly on the fort, and meeting with a warm reception, there was a very smart firing on both sides. After a considerable time, finding our ammunition was almost spent (gone), I commanded a cessation till the enemy advanced within thirty yards, when we gave them such a hot fire that they were obliged to retire nearly one hundred and fifty yards before they could rally and come up again to the attack.
Our ammunition being nearly exhausted, could keep up only a scattering fire. The enemy, being numerous, surrounded our little fort, began to mount our lines and enter the fort with their bayonets. We was obliged to retreat through them, while they kept up as hot a fire as it was possible for them to make. We, having very few bayonets (knives attached to the end of a soldier’s rifle), could make no resistance.
Title: British North America in 1755
Year: 1755
Type of document: newspaper article
Quotation: "Canada must be subdued"

Such is the British Empire in North America; which from Nova-Scotia to Georgia is a Tract of 1600 Miles Sea-Coast; a Country productive of all the necessaries and Conveniences of Life; and which already contains a greater Number of People than either the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, Sardinia, Portugal, Spain, Denmark, Sweden, or Prussia, or the Republic of Holland. In short, there are but three Powers in Europe, which surpass them in Number, the German Empire, France, and perhaps England. America is become the Fountain of our Riches, for with America our greatest trade is carried on....
This is the Country, which the French have many Years envied us, and which they have been long meditating to make themselves Masters of: They are at length come to a Resolution to attack us, in profound Peace, in one of the best of those Colonies, Virginia; and in that part of it which lies on the River Ohio, to which Country they never pretended before. Every one knows that the English were the first and only Europeans who settled Virginia.... The French however if they find their Way to the Coast of Virginia, will easily over-run the provinces, because each Province considers itself as independence of the Rest, and the Invaders from Canada all act under one Governor; to unite 13 Provinces which fill an Extent of 1600 Miles is not easy.... Canada must be subdued.
Title: A Soldier's Diary
Author: Robert Moses
Year: 1755
Type of document: diary
...We were informed that a number of Indians killed two men in a very barbarous manner. Destroyed eight cattle carried away the value of three. A scout consisting of thirty men pursued them on Friday July 25th [1755] but could not discover them.....

...we received intelligence that a number of Indians supposed to consist of one hundred killed two men about two miles from the Fort [Bellowe's Fort], took the man's heart and cut it in two and laid it on his neck, and butchers the other most barbarously, sought a house near the Fort, wounded one man that he died about an hour after our arrival....
Cutlasses and hatchets playing on every quarter with much effusion of blood but our New Hampshire forces being fresh & courageous and the Enemy tired and much discouraged with the Defeat they met with, retreated and made their escape toward a Creek the next day they were pursued a vast quantity of plunder was taken up which they dropped in the creek. The day after the battle three Frenchmen were taken up by the Guard of Fort Lymon who upon examination declared that their Army was entirely broke....
Letter from Abigail Adams to husband John Adams.
On June 17, 1775, The Battle of Bunker Hill took place. Although the British took the position, they suffered large casualties. The Americans lost 400 of 1,500 men, and held fast against greater numbers of professional soldiers, reiterating the Americans resolve to fight. This letter is written by Abigail to her husband John regarding the battle and the loss of a friend.
“Dearest Friend,
The day, perhaps the decisive day, is come, on which the fate of America depends. My
bursting heart must find vent at my pen. I have just heard that our dear friend, Dr. Warren, is no more, but fell gloriously fighting for his country; saying, Better to die honorably in the field, than ignominiously hand upon the gallows. Great is our loss. He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his courage and fortitude, by animating the soldiers and leading them on by his own example. A particular account of these dreadful, but I hope glorious days, will be transmitted you, no doubt, in the exactest manner.
“The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong; but the God of Israel is He that giveth strength and power unto his people. Trust in him at all times, ye people, pour out your hearts before him; God is a refuge for us.” Charlestown is laid in ashes. The battle began upon our intrenchments upon Bunker’s Hill, Saturday morning about three o’clock, and has not ceased yet, and it is now three o’clock Sabbath afternoon.
It is expected they will come out over the Neck tonight, and a dreadful battle must ensue. Almighty God, cover the heads of our countrymen, and be a shield to our dear friends! How many have fallen, we know not. The constant roar of the cannon is so distressing that we cannot eat, drink or sleep. May we be supported and sustained in the dreadful conflict. I shall tarry here till it is thought unsafe by my friends, and then I have secured myself a retreat at your brother’s, who has kindly offered me part of his house. I cannot compose myself to write any further at present. I will add more as I hear further.
Tuesday afternoon”...I I ardently pray that you may be supported through the arduous task you have before you. I wish I could contradict the report of the Dr’s death; but it is a lamentable truth, and tears of the multitude pay tribute to his memory, those favorite lines of Collin continually sound in my ears: “How sleep the brave” etc. .....The spirits of the people are very good; the loss of Charlestown affects them no more than a drop in the bucket.
I am, most sincerely, yours,
Stockbridge Indian speech
This speech was given to the Massachusetts congress by a member of the Stockbridge tribe in Western Massachusetts in 1775.

“Brothers! You remember, when you first came over the great waters, I was great and you were little-very small. I then took you in for a friend, and kept you under my arms, so that no one might injure you. Since that time we have ever been true friends; there has never been any quarrel between us. But now our conditions are changed. You are become great and tall. You reach to the clouds. You are seen all around the world. I am become small-very little. I am not so high as your knee. Now you take care of me; and I look to you for protection. Brothers! I am sorry to hear of this great quarrel between you and old England. It appears that blood must soon be shed to end this quarrel. We never till this day understood the foundation of this quarrel between you and the country you came from. Brothers! Whenever I see your blood running, you will soon find me about to revenge my brothers’ blood. Although I am low and very small, I will grip hold of your enemy’s heel, that he cannot run so fast, and so light, as if he had nothing at his heels. Brothers! You know I am not so wise as you are; therefore I ask your advice in what I am now going to say. I have been thinking, before you come to action, to take a run to the westward and feel the mind of my Indian brethren, the Six Nations, and know how they stand-whether they are on your side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for they have always looked this way for advice, concerning all important news that comes from the rising sun. If they hearken to me, you will not be afraid of any danger from behind you. However their minds are affected, you shall soon know by me. I think I can do you more service in this way than by marching off immediately to Boston and staying there. It may be a great while before blood runs. Now, as I said, you are wiser than I; I leave this for your consideration, whether I come down immediately or wait till I hear some blood is spilled.
Brothers! I would not have you think by this that we are falling back from our engagements. We are ready to do anything for your relief, and should be guided by your counsel. Brothers! One thing I ask you, if you send for me to fight; that you will let me fight in my own way. I am not used to fight English fashion; therefore you must not expect I can train like your men. Only point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to know.”
Source: George Mason’s letter to Richard Henry Lee

December 6, 1770“We have always acknowledged we are always ready to recognize the sovereignty of Great Britain but we will not submit to have our own money taken out of our pockets without our consent; because if any man or any set of men take from us without our consent or that of our representatives one shilling in the pound we have not security for the remaining nineteen. We owe to our Mother-Country the duty of subjects but will not pay her the submission of slaves.”George Mason
King George III August 23, 1775

“Whereas many of our subjects in divers parts of our Colonies and Plantations in North America, misled by dangerous and ill designing men, and forgetting the allegiance which they owe to the power that has protected and supported them; after various disorderly acts committed in disturbance of the publick peace, to the obstruction of lawful commerce, and to the oppression of our loyal subjects carrying on the same; have at length proceeded to open and avowed rebellion, by arraying themselves in a hostile manner, to withstand the execution of the law, and traitorously preparing, ordering and levying war against us...

... “we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, to issue our Royal Proclamation, hereby declaring, that not only all our Officers, civil and military, are obliged to exert their utmost endeavours to suppress such rebellion, and to bring the traitors to justice, but that all our subjects of this Realm, and the dominions thereunto belonging, are bound by law to be aiding and assisting in the suppression of such rebellion, and to disclose and make known all traitorous conspiracies and attempts against us, our crown and dignity; and we do accordingly strictly charge and command all our Officers, as well civil as military, and all others our obedient and loyal subjects, to use their utmost endeavours to withstand and suppress such rebellion, and to disclose and make known all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which they shall know to be against us, our crown and dignity...”
The Alien and Sedition Acts (1798)
An Act Concerning Aliens (excerpt)

SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States at any time during the continuance of this act, to order all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United Slates, within such time as shall be expressed in such order, which order shall be served on such alien by delivering him a copy thereof, or leaving the same at his usual abode, and returned to the office of the Secretary of State, by the marshal or other person to whom the same shall be directed. And in case any alien, so ordered to depart, shall be found at large within the United States after the time limited in such order for his departure, and not having obtained a license from the President to reside therein, or having obtained such license shall not have conformed thereto, every such alien shall, on conviction thereof, be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three years, and shall never after be admitted to become a citizen of the United States.
SECTION 3. And be it further enacted, That every master or commander of any ship or vessel which shall come into any port of the United States after the first day of July next, shall immediately on his arrival make report in writing to the collector or other chief officer of the customs of such port, of all aliens, if any, on board his vessel, specifying their names, age, the place of nativity, the country from which they shall have come, the nation to which they belong and owe allegiance, their occupation and a description of their persons, as far as he shall be informed thereof, and on failure, every such master and commander shall forfeit and pay three hundred dollars, for the payment whereof on default of such master or commander, such vessel shall also be holden, and may by such collector or other officer of the customs be detained. And it shall be the duty of such collector or other officer of the customs, forthwith to transmit to the office of the department of state true copies of all such returns.
From the Embargo Act of 1807:

“Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that during the continuance of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, no vessels of any description whatever, and wherever bound, whose employment is confined to the navigation of bays, sounds, rivers, and lakes, within the jurisdiction of the United States, (packets, ferryboats, and vessels, exempted from the obligation of giving any bond whatever, only exempted) shall be allowed to depart from any port of the United States without previously obtained a clearance.”
The Federalist, No. 51
- Madison, Hamilton
...In order to lay a due foundation for that separate and distinct exercise of the different powers of government, which to a certain extent is admitted on all hands to be essential to the preservation of liberty, it is evident that each department should have a will of its own...
But the great security against a gradual concentration of the several powers in the same department, consists in giving to those who administer each department the necessary constitutional means and personal motives to resist encroachment of others...Ambition must be made to counteract ambition...
The constant aim is to divide and arrange the several offices in such a manner as that each may be a check on the other...
In the compound republic of American, the power surrendered by the people is first divided between two distinct governments, and then the portion allotted to each subdivided among distinct and separate departments. Hence a double security arises to the rights of the people
Excerpt from Text
Harriet Tubman's Letter to Lincoln
. . . God won't let Master Lincoln beat the South until he does the right thing. Master Lincoln, he's a great man, and I'm a poor Negro but this Negro can tell Master Lincoln how to save money and young men. He can do it by setting the Negroes free. Suppose there was an awful big snake down there on the floor. He bites you. Folks all scared, because you may die. You send for doctor to cut the bite; but the snake is rolled up there, and while the doctor is doing it, he bites you again. The doctor cuts out that bite; but while he's doing it, the snake springs up and bites you again, and so he keeps doing it, till you kill him. That's what Master Lincoln ought to know. . . .
Thomas Paine's "Common
Sense" 1776
Francis Scott Key's "Star-Spangled Banner"
"O say, can you see, by the dawn's early light,
What so proudly we hail'd at the twilight's last gleaming?
Whose broad stripes and bright stars, thro' the perilous fight,
O'er the ramparts we watch'd, were so gallantly streaming?
And the rockets' red glare, the bombs bursting in air,
Gave proof thro' the night that our flag was still there.
O say, does that star-spangled banner yet wave
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave?
Directions: Go to each source and build your portfolio of OPVL analysis. Be sure to clearly label with the number of the source (on bottom left of slide) and the name of the source.
USS Chesapeake

One highly publicized example of impressment took place in June 1807. The British ship Leopold stopped the U.S. Navy ship Chesapeake and tried to remove four of its sailors. When the Chesapeake’s captain refused, the British opened fire and took the sailors by force. The Chesapeake incident angered many Americans. Attorney General Caesar A. Rodney declared that it “has excited the spirit of ’76 and the whole country is literally in arms”.

From the Call to Freedom textbook, Holt, Rineholt, Winston
Cotton promotes slavery
Slavery, which had up to now received little public attention, suddenly assumed enormous importance - "like a fire bell in the night," in Jefferson’s words. In the early years of the republic, when the northern states were providing for immediate or gradual emancipation of the slaves, many leaders had supposed that slavery would die out. In 1786, Washington wrote that he devoutly wished some plan might be adopted "by which slavery may be abolished by slow, sure, and imperceptible degrees." Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and other leading southern statesmen made similar statements. As late as 1808, when the slave trade was abolished, there were many southerners who thought that slavery would soon end.
The expectation proved false, for during the next generation, the south became solidly united behind the institution of slavery as new economic factors made slavery far more profitable than it had been before 1790.

Chief among these was the rise of a great cotton-growing industry in the south, stimulated by the introduction of new types of cotton and by Eli Whitney’s invention, the cotton gin, for separating the seeds from cotton. At the same time, the Industrial Revolution, which made textile manufacturing a large-scale operation, vastly increased the demand for raw cotton. And the opening of new lands in the west after 1812 greatly extended the area available for cotton cultivation. Cotton culture moved rapidly from the tidewater states through much of the lower south to the Mississippi River and eventually on to Texas.
Except for a migration into Texas beyond the bounds of the United States, the westward march of the agricultural frontier did not pass Missouri until after 1840.

Source: A Hypertext on American History from the colonial period until Modern Times.Department of Humanities Computing, University of
Groningen, The Netherlands. http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/index.htm (January 6, 2007)
John L. O’Sullivan on Manifest Destiny, 1839

The American people having derived their origin from many other nations, and the Declaration of National Independence being entirely based on the great principle of human equality, these facts demonstrate at once our disconnected position as regards any other nation; that we have, in reality, but little connection with the past history of any of them, and still less with all antiquity, its glories, or its crimes. On the contrary, or national birth was the beginning of a new history, the formation and progress of an untried political system, which separates us from the past and connects us with the future only; and so far as regard the entire development of the natural rights of man, in moral, political, and national life, we may confidently assume that our country is destined to be the great nation of futurity.
President James K. Polk of the United States of American asking for a Declaration of War against Mexico.

In my message at the commencement of the present session I informed you that upon the earnest appeal both of the Congress and convention of Texas I had ordered an efficient military force to take a position "between the Nueces and Del Norte." This had become necessary to meet a threatened invasion of Texas by the Mexican forces, for which extensive military preparations had been made. The invasion was threatened solely because Texas had determined, in accordance with a solemn resolution of the Congress of the United States, to annex herself to our Union, and under these circumstances it was plainly our duty to extend our protection over her citizens and soil.
This force was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until after I had received such information from Mexico as rendered it probable, if not certain, that the Mexican Government would refuse to receive our envoy.
Meantime Texas, by the final act of our Congress, had become an integral part of our Union. The Congress of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that Republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the Nueces. The country between that river and the Del Norte had been represented in the Congress and in the convention of Texas, had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself, and is now included within one of our Congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, with great unanimity, by the act approved December 31, 1845, recognized the country beyond the Nueces as a part of our territory by including it

within our own revenue system, and a revenue officer to reside within that district had been appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defense of that portion of our country
James K. Polk May 11, 1846.
Anson Jones, President of the Republic of Texas to President James K. Polk, President of the United States of America regarding the annexation of Texas in to the Union


I avail myself with much pleasure of the opportunity afforded me by the return of General Besancon to address your Excellency this letter, and to communicate to you the gratifying intelligence, that the Deputies of the People of Texas assembled in Convention at the City of Austin on the 4th. Instant, and adopted on that day an ordinance expressing the acceptance and assent of the people to the proposal made by the government of the United States on the subject of the Annexation of Texas to the American Union.
This assent, given with promptness and with much unanimity, affords the assurance that this great measure, to the success of which, your Excellency is so sincerely attached, will be consummated without further difficulty and as I ardently hope in peace.
I shall have the further satisfaction to transmit to you very soon by request of the Convention, a copy of the ordinance I have now reference to, which will be placed in your hands by Mr. D. S. Kaufman, whom I have caused to be accredited as Charge
d'Affaires of Texas near your Government, and I beg you to accept in the mean-time, assurances of the high regard with which I am
Your Excellency's
Most Obedient
and very humble servant ANSON JONES
July 12, 1845.
London Times article concerning the Annexation of Texas.

The discussion of the annexation of Texas in the United States has been frequently, and not unjustly, animadverted upon as a proof of the lawless tendencies of democratic communities, and the flexible nature of democratic constitutions, when a pretext is wanted to sanction a crime. But it may readily be imagined that all the argument on this important subject has not been confined to one side; and it is with pleasure that we turn to certain documents which have reached us, emanating from a higher source than the clamour of the populace, and conceived in a far higher tone of policy and justice. The people of New England have offered a constant opposition to the project for annexing Texas, for many very obvious reasons. The aggressive and adventurous spirit of that measure is at variance with the austere principles of their original constitutions; the preponderance of the South is already felt in the councils of the Union; and the acquisition of Texas would raise that preponderance into ascendancy, and secure the perpetuity of slave"ry and all its attendant evils. These opinions have been very forcibly expressed in the report of a Convention held for the purpose at Faneuil-hall, in the State of Massachusetts. This assembly deliberately resolved, that the scheme of annexing Texas to the United States is a plain violation of the Constitution, and as calculated and designed by the open declarations of its friends to uphold the interests of slavery, extend its influence, and secure its permanent duration; and they protested, that "Texas rebelling against "the laws of Mexico which abolished slavery - Texas wrested from Mexico by citizens of the United States - Texas the support and defence of American slavery, can never be joined to this Union but in "bonds of mutual infamy.
Abraham Lincoln’s view on the Mexican War as given in the 1846 Lincoln- Douglas Debates

: "...And so I think my friend, the judge, is equally at fault when he charges me at the time when I was in Congress of having opposed our soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican War. The judge did not make his charge very distinctly, but I tell you what he can prove, by referring to the record. You remember I was an Old Whig, and whenever the Democratic party tried to get me to vote that the war had been righteously begun by the President, I would not do it. But whenever they asked for any money, or land- warrants, or anything to pay the soldiers there, during all that time, I gave the same vote that Judge Douglas did. You can think as you please as to whether that was consistent. Such is the truth; and the judge has the right to make all he can out of it. But when he, by a general charge, conveys the idea that I withheld supplies from the soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican War, or did anything else to hinder the soldiers, he is, to say the least, grossly and altogether mistaken, as a consultation of the records will prove to him."
Richmond, Virginia, Enquirer [Democratic] (10 March 1857)
"In anticipation of the definitive decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case some months or more ago, its adjudication was announced through a respectable proportion of the press, emanating, we do not now recollect precisely, whence or how; but, as the sequel shows, not from mere conjecture, or without reliable data, for it was then stated that seven of the nine judges constituting the court, agreed on the opinion that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional, and consequently, that the rights originating in it and under it, were even factitious and ineffective. And it will be seen by the authentic annunciation of the grave and deliberate decision of that august body, in another column, that what was rumor then is reality now. -- Thus has a politico-legal question, involving others of deep import, been decided emphatically in favor of the advocates and supporters of the Constitution and the Union, the equality of the States and the rights of the South, in contradistinction to and in repudiation of the diabolical doctrines inculcated by factionists and fanatics; and that too by a tribunal of jurists, as learned, impartial and unprejudiced as perhaps the world has ever seen. A prize, for which the athletes of the nation have often wrestled in the halls of Congress, has been awarded at last, by the proper umpire, to those who have justly won it. The nation has achieved a triumph, sectionalism has been rebuked, and abolitionism has been staggered and stunned. Another supporting pillar has been added to our institutions; the assailants of the South and enemies of the Union have been driven from their point d'appui; a patriotic principle has been pronounced; a great, national, conservative, union saving sentiment has been proclaimed. An adjudication of the constitutionality of the Missouri Compromise, in the Dred Scott case, inseparably embraced collateral questions of such character, as also to involve incidental issues, not infrequently arising in the councils of the country, and which have ever proved, points of irreconcilable antagonism between the friends and enemies of the institutions of the South; all of which, it will be seen, have been unequivocally established in accordance with the sense of the Southern people. And thus it is, that reason and right, justice and truth, always triumph over passion and prejudice, ignorance and envy, when submitted to the deliberations of honest and able men: that the dross and the genuine metal are separated when the ore is accurately assayed."
Excerpt from The New York Herald, on March 9, 1857, summed up the following:

"The Washington politicians who believe that it [the Dred Scott decision] settles anything must be afflicted with very severe ophthalmia (vision problems) indeed. For while these venerable judges are discoursing on theoretical opinions of slavery to North and West, free labor is marching with a very tangible step into the heart of the strongest slaveholds of slavery. Chief Justice Taney lays out on paper an infinitude of new slave states and territories; he makes all the states in a measure slave states; but while the old gentleman is thus diverting his slippered leisure, free carpenters and blacksmiths and farmers with hoe, spade and plough are invading Missouri, Kentucky, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia, and quietly elbowing the slaves further South. It will take a good many Supreme Court decisions to reverse a law of nature such as we here see in operation."

Taken from The American Heritage Magazine, p. 91
Abraham Lincoln’s
Gettysburg Address
November 19, 1863

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting- place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
Paul Revere, “The Bloody Massacre in King-Street, March 5, 1770.” Boston, 1770. (Gilder Lehrman Collection)
The Fourteenth Amendment, granting black men the right to vote, was ratified in July 1868. Every black vote became a threat to white Southerners' political power. The stone reads, "Negroe Killed, Seymour Ratification, KKK."
"One Less Vote."
“Every quiet method for peace has been useless. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain… Wherefore, since nothing but fighting will do, for God’s sake, let us come to a final separation!”
Published by Ben Franklin, 1754 in the Pennsylvania Gazette
"One Less Vote"
Cartoonist: Thomas Nast
Source: Harper's Weekly
Date: August 8, 1868, p. 512
Full transcript