B. Evaluating Globalization's Contradictory Dynamics

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by T.A. Tran40 views·Updated Apr 25, 2021

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  1. the most important dynamic of globalization to understand is that
  2. it's uneven across space and time and it's uneven across
  3. different countries and across different social groups and communities.
  4. And so different people benefit from it and just different
  5. people are disadvantaged by, it creates different winners and losers.
  6. And as a result there's conflict, there's going to be
  7. conflict and there's going to be backlash against globalization from
  8. those who lose out on it.
  9. Um and so as a result of these uneven dynamics,
  10. globalization produces massive contradictions.
  11. Um let me go over exactly what I mean by
  12. this. So if we first looked at the sociocultural dimension
  13. of globalization, we find that while there is greater cosmopolitanism
  14. as a result of greater cultural exposure, we also see
  15. greater parochialism as well.
  16. These two things are happening at the same time.
  17. And when I say parochialism, I mean that's when people
  18. prioritize their immediate community um and have strong internally linkages
  19. but weak external linkages.
  20. And so these are like very strong in group identities,
  21. and out groups are dip prioritized under parochialism.
  22. So it's very much the opposite of cosmopolitanism, right?
  23. Which is all about greater inclusivity um and and sort
  24. of like an open relationship right with the whole world?
  25. No, uh we find this greater parochialism happening, for instance,
  26. with Brexit with the rise of trump and trumpism, which
  27. is all about closing oneself more so from the world
  28. than opening oneself more to the world, particularly with the
  29. anti immigrant sentiment that has driven both Brexit and trump
  30. is um now let's talk about the political contradictions of
  31. globalization. Um so we know that globalization conflicts with national
  32. sovereignty right?
  33. Uh in that it's, you know, the rising power of
  34. these non state formations, like multinational corporations, like transnational movements,
  35. like international organizations, regional trade blocs um that compete and
  36. challenge, compete for and challenges state power, but at the
  37. same time, states, yes, are faced with these challenges to
  38. their authority, but they still ultimately have the authority to
  39. do a lot.
  40. States are still guiding and shaping and dictating the extent
  41. to which globalisation happens and the arena on which globalization
  42. unfolds. So I'll quickly touch on three examples of this
  43. first is in the realm of human rights.
  44. So increasingly, human rights are being defined by a global
  45. community, right?
  46. The international community has been advocating for this idea of
  47. universal human rights um and and has been formulating write
  48. this as a global norm, but the international community can't
  49. really guarantee human rights.
  50. It's states that can guarantee human rights because states are
  51. the ones that have the law enforcement mechanisms and courts
  52. to guarantee this sort of thing.
  53. So that's an interesting contradiction in that state still hold
  54. the power at the end of the day.
  55. But increasingly, these other non state global actors are shaping
  56. what's important, right?
  57. What should be the priority?
  58. What should be, what should we talk about, what should
  59. be guaranteed right to people?
  60. So another idea or an example of how states guide
  61. globalization is when we look at um free markets and
  62. how Western industrialized states, particularly formerly imperialist ones, or presently
  63. imperialist ones dr globalization primarily by imposing free markets on
  64. poor countries, because these industrialized states want to access the
  65. labor force and the consumer markets and the natural resources
  66. of poor countries.
  67. At the same time, these industrialized states try to protect
  68. themselves from free markets by subsidizing domestic industries, by erecting
  69. all sorts of tariffs and other protectionist measures.
  70. Um and also, probably what is most interesting to me
  71. is that these industrialized states recognized that free markets are
  72. extremely disruptive to people's lives, and so they will enact
  73. some sort of social safety net, right?
  74. So to help the domestic population, whether the economic uncertainties
  75. and dislocations that come with globalization, so, for instance, unemployment
  76. insurance, healthcare, um things like that at the same time,
  77. industrialized states, particularly through its influence in the I.
  78. M. F, will tell poor countries that they had to
  79. cut their public spending and slash their social safety net.
  80. Um And so what this does right is that it
  81. props up workers in industrialized states while leaving poor workers
  82. to fend for themselves in other places.
  83. Um And so it's almost as if industrialized states want
  84. free markets for everyone else, but not themselves, and that,
  85. and the problem isn't even so much with free markets,
  86. but it is that it's free markets, combined with not
  87. having any sort of measures in place that will protect
  88. workers by ordinary people from the severe uncertainties and dislocations
  89. that come with free markets.
  90. So it's then really important to understand that different states,
  91. depending on the status that you have in the international
  92. power structure, will have different degrees of freedom to choose
  93. how much they want to integrate into the global economy
  94. and and whether to integrate in the first place.
  95. So some states, especially poorer ones, will have zero choice
  96. in the matter as to whether they want to globalized
  97. or integrate into the global economy.
  98. Rather that choices forced upon them um under conditions that
  99. are forced upon them by actors like the I.
  100. M. F.
  101. Or by the W.
  102. T. O.
  103. Or by um they're much larger, more powerful trading partners.
  104. Now the last political contradiction that we find under globalization
  105. is pretty simple and that's that there is now an
  106. increasing global norm of democracy which is supposedly spread by
  107. globalization. But at the same time there's this unsettling history
  108. where neoliberalism has gone hand in hand with the erosion
  109. of democracy and we know that neoliberalism and globalization go
  110. together in this world and so yeah how can it
  111. be then that they're you know, we're supposedly trying to
  112. spread democracy through globalization but at the same time that
  113. globalization has in particular new liberal globalization has eroded democracy.
  114. This is nowhere more clear then under the U.
  115. S. Sponsored Dictatorships in south America um which happened in
  116. brazil chile Argentina Uruguay where neoliberal ideas was first imposed
  117. in the world under um these dictators that the U.
  118. S. You know sponsored propped up and and oftentimes they
  119. overthrew democratically elected leaders for these dictators to put these
  120. dictators in place in order to implement a neo liberal
  121. policy transformation in the country.
  122. And so these countries were where neoliberalism was first imposed
  123. in the world and has since spread from there and
  124. that the conditions under which neoliberalism was imposed was one
  125. of dictatorship.
  126. Right? And so and in many ways democracy continues to
  127. be eroded by neoliberalism in these places.
  128. Um and we see this very clearly with one of
  129. the first, probably the first reading that we did in
  130. this unit on Argentina.
  131. Now let's look at the economic um contradictions.
  132. So globalization is greatest contribution has probably been to lower
  133. poverty um in places that are most integrated into the
  134. global economy, like china chile, Indonesia, India and South Korea.
  135. At the same time, we also already know that the
  136. wealth gap is increasing, so while poverty is diminishing wealth
  137. inequality is increasing not only within countries but also globally
  138. as well.
  139. And so this increasing inequality seems driven more by financial
  140. globalization than trade globalization, because there's just too many offshore
  141. corporate tax havens and there's these very globalized investment flows.
  142. And so um financial globalization right is allowing people to
  143. accrue amounts of wealth that we have never seen in
  144. history and that this is greatly contributing to the rise
  145. and wealth inequality.
  146. Um there's one exception to this, all of this in
  147. terms of the rising wealth inequality.
  148. The one exception is that if you break up the
  149. world the world into rich and poor countries, you actually
  150. see that the income gap between rich and poor countries
  151. have narrowed, but that this is largely or almost entirely
  152. due to East Asia's economic search.
  153. So this means then that the benefits of globalization are
  154. not as far reaching as the term globalization would imply,
  155. and that the gains of globalization continue to be very
  156. unevenly distributed, and they continue to accrue largely to industrialized
  157. countries and urban areas over rural areas, and they tend
  158. to benefit dominant racial or ethnic groups over historically marginalized
  159. groups. Now, another way in which the benefits of globalization
  160. aren't even better content are evenly distributed, but there are
  161. concentrated is that, you know, we see that there's a
  162. greater global organization of production chains, but that this globalization
  163. of production is actually in um, almost entirely occurring within
  164. a monopoly framework.
  165. And what I mean by that is that a third
  166. of world trade occurs within single firms, rather than among
  167. different firms.
  168. So what this means is that most firms, right, are
  169. not actually engaged in globalization at all, They're engaging in
  170. trade and stuff within their own network, a network that
  171. they entirely control and monopoly monopolize the entire space.
  172. And so a third of world trade right happens within
  173. the space of a monopoly.
  174. Now, this means that in an intensely globalized world, such
  175. as ours, transnational corporations are more powerful than they've ever
  176. been, because they control so much of this global market
  177. and that they can translate this economic power into social
  178. power, political power and cultural power.
  179. And that's what's really worrying, right?
  180. So while some say that globalization has flattened the world
  181. and has created a more level playing field, so that
  182. countries and peoples who used to be left out now
  183. have access to global markets and resources through which they
  184. can prosper, right?
  185. The data actually shows that the world is not exactly
  186. flat, but it is indeed more spiky.
  187. This means that globalization does hold great promise to mitigate
  188. poverty, but only if globalization is done right in that
  189. only if globalization is gains and benefits are more equitably
  190. distributed. In other words, if we're talking about trade, open
  191. trade needs to happen on equitable terms so that poor
  192. countries are not disadvantaged compared to rich countries and that
  193. small businesses and the global workforce are not disadvantaged compared
  194. to multinational corporations.
  195. And this means that open trade needs to accompany fair
  196. trade agreements that prioritized the development of poor countries and
  197. and that prioritize um distributing resources globally in a fairer
  198. way. Um and it means that, you know, there needs
  199. to be governments to provide social services that can help
  200. the poorest sectors of the poorest countries, whether all of
  201. the economic disruptions of open trade.
  202. So overall, as you can see globalization as complex city
  203. and its multi dimensionality, um means that we can't really
  204. talk about it as being good or bad.
  205. It's good in some ways for some people in some
  206. places that sometimes and it's bad for others.
  207. So to give you more detail on texture on this
  208. claim that I just made, I'm going to present to
  209. you two case studies of globalization in the next two
  210. segments, one is going to be on sweatshops and there's
  211. going to be on migration.
  212. And in one of these case studies I'll make a
  213. stronger case against globalization and in the other case study
  214. I'll make a stronger case for globalization.
  215. And again this reflects the tension that globalization comes with
  216. a lot of good and a lot of harm.
  217. And I want you to evaluate the info that I
  218. present to you in.
  219. These next segment's not based on the simple binary question
  220. of whether globalization is good or bad.
  221. But I want you to think about more nuanced questions
  222. like under what conditions is globalization occurring?
  223. Who or what is driving globalization and for whose interests,
  224. who enjoys globalization is benefits and who suffers its costs?
  225. How should the costs and the harms be mitigated by
  226. governments and communities?
  227. And what could an alternative globalization looked like?
  228. So? In other words, how do we steer globalization in
  229. a direction that doesn't harm the already most vulnerable in
  230. our world, while we can still enjoy the numerous benefits
  231. of globalization?